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Home>Archives for Justice Programs>Legislative Action Center

September 15, 2017 by Guest

Law Professors Weigh in on Amending the CDA – Part 2

Q: We keep hearing that passing these bills will end the internet as we know it? What do you think of these claims?

These claims are misplaced.   For example, the Senate bill is a 4 page bill that simply clarifies how the CDA (passed in 1996) is affected by the TVPA, which was passed 4 years later.  It retains the immunity provision for Good Samaritans and will not substantively expose any good actor to increased liability, stifle creativity, or affect free speech.

In 1996 Congress had many goals with the CDA, most of which are mentioned in the “Findings” and “Policy” sections of the CDA.[1]  On the one hand, the Internet was in its infancy, and Congress wanted it to grow to its full potential.  That being said, it also worried that this nascent industry might allow access to sexually explicit material on a new scale.  Therefore, Congress struck a balance between these two concerns and passed the CDA as part of a wider system to limit the ability to access sexually explicit material online.  Congress also wanted to prevent service providers from being sued for screening out this material.  Thus, they created a Good Samaritan provision which protects Good Samaritan companies from being sued for their self- regulation to screen out explicit material.  It was never intended to give immunity to bad actors not engaged in self- regulation, but engaged in illegal activity, but that is how the tech industry has argued the CDA should function.[2]

Over two decades later, the Internet is no longer fragile or in its infancy.  Rather, it has developed significantly and is on very solid ground.  It has also grown criminally and Congress has learned two important facts.  First, the Internet is the largest marketplace where trafficking victims are sold.  Second, that bad actors are misusing the Good Samaritan protection to insulate them from liability for their criminal activity, arguing that the CDA provides absolute immunity because they are service providers.

These legislative proposals are narrow.  The Senate bill simply clarifies the CDA by including sex trafficking in the list of crimes Congress seeks to inhibit on the internet.  All these proposals will do is clarify and update the CDA but they do nothing to limit the Good Samaritan exemption.  Good Samaritans will continue to be protected just as they are now.  Bad Samaritans will not.

Q: How do these bills hold some bad actors, like Backpage.com, accountable without chilling free speech on the internet?

The claim of First Amendment deprivations are also misplaced allegations designed to preclude any common sense discussion of clarifying the CDA.  The First Amendment was intended to help a free and democratic society navigate these issues where criminality and speech can sometimes intersect.  The Free Speech provision was never intended to have certain topics taken off the table never to be analyzed.  These arguments that limiting internet service companies from partnering with bad actors to sell children online will chill speech are simply scare tactics designed to remove amending the CDA from any discussion.

The First Amendment is critical to our democracy, but has never been absolute.  For example, it does not protect offers to engage in illegal transactions.[3]  The CDA sought to address the problem of access to sexually explicit material online.  Congress intended to encourage corporations to limit this material, by protecting them from litigation for their efforts to actively screen such information.  Finding there was a disincentive to self-regulate, Congress explicitly stated one of its purposes was to remove this disincentive by encouraging limiting explicit material.  As such, it drafted the CDA to balance these interests.  As a result, §230(c)(1) recognizes that service providers cannot be treated like publishers of news and be held responsible for the third party content of news posted on their platforms.  §230(c)(2) provides for immunity by protecting ISP’s from litigation for their actions to restrict access, NOT for other criminal actions.  §230(e)(3) limits contrary state laws but does nothing to limit state efforts to enforce their laws consistent with the CDA.

Read Part 1 and Part 3 here. 
By Mary G. Leary, Professor of Law, Catholic University of America, Shea Rhodes, Director of Villanova Law School’s Institute to Address Commercial Exploitation, Chad Flanders, Professor of Criminal Law and Constitutional Law Scholar, St. Louis University, and Audrey Rogers, Professor of Criminal Law and the Internet, Pace University.

—

 

[1] 47 U.S.C.A. 230(a) & (b).

[2] How Google’s Backing of Backpage Protect Child Sex Trafficking, Consumer Watchdog (May 2017).

[3] U.S. v. Williams, 553 U.S. 285, 297 (2008).

September 14, 2017 by Guest

Law Professors Weigh in on Amending the CDA – Part 1

“Sex trafficking, like all social problems, requires a comprehensive response from many quarters.”

By Mary G. Leary, Professor of Law, Catholic University of America, Shea Rhodes, Director of Villanova Law School’s Institute to Address Commercial Exploitation, Chad Flanders, Professor of Criminal Law and Constitutional Law Scholar, St. Louis University, and Audrey Rogers, Professor of Criminal Law and the Internet, Pace University.

Q: Why isn’t federal criminal law adequate to address sex trafficking online? Why are state criminal liability and civil liability important?

Sex trafficking, like all social problems, requires a comprehensive response from many quarters: the criminal law, civil law, business regulations, etc.  These mechanisms are necessary to deter, prevent, and when prevention fails, punish trafficking or facilitating the trafficking of people.  For many crimes we look to federal, state, local, civil, criminal, medical, and educational institutions to respond.  Human trafficking is no different.

There is an important aspect of federal prosecution that is worth mentioning here: federal prosecution is discretionary.[1]  Because of the limited resources of the federal government, federal prosecutors do not and cannot take every case.  They select certain cases to handle based on a variety of factors.  Most criminal charges, therefore, take place on the local and state level.  For example, although it is a federal crime to distribute narcotics, the Department of Justice does not handle every narcotics case.  Rather, it selects a small number of cases, leaving the primary job of prosecuting these crimes to the states.

Now, let’s turn to the specific problem of human trafficking.  There is an enhanced need to allow states to enforce their trafficking laws against all bad actors because of the size of the problem and the many actors involved in it.  The problem of human trafficking is massive.  This is an extremely lucrative criminal enterprise[2] with many tentacles.  One of the reasons human trafficking is growing so rapidly is the large role the internet plays in its execution.[3]    We need many pressure points to contain and eradicate this form of victimization on both the state and federal level.  Indeed most of the prosecution of criminal cases of human trafficking is based on state laws.[4]

Furthermore, states have the right – indeed the obligation – to protect their citizens.[5] Since the founding of our nation, there have been many sources of criminal law for all forms of victimization.  States have their criminal codes for crimes that state legislatures see affecting their citizens.  The federal criminal code addresses federal crimes and these are forms of victimization that the United States Congress has identified as crimes with a federal interest.  While some crimes just have a federal interest – treason for example, most crimes are local and the federal government chooses to supplement the state criminal laws, not replace them.

In what other arena do we stop states from enforcing their laws?  In most crimes, and human trafficking is no exception, the amount of criminal activity is massive and we combat it with all the pressure points possible.  Take any crime – narcotics, child pornography, illegal firearms – our system depends upon all the actors in the system to handle these cases.  Can we possibly imagine telling states they cannot prosecute drug dealers or their co-conspirators, child sex predators or those that facilitate their access to children, or those that facilitate illegal trafficking of firearms?  No, of course we cannot.  Human trafficking is no different.

State and federal civil law is also an essential tool to fight online trafficking.  The TVPA and many state trafficking laws recognize that businesses play a role in human trafficking when they actually traffic in human beings, or knowingly benefit from participating in a joint enterprise of human trafficking, or conspire with human traffickers.[6] Given the number of businesses – such as massage parlors, internet companies, hotels – that fall into this category, it is essential that societal responses deter those entities from facilitating human trafficking.   That is why applying civil law deterrents is an essential component of a comprehensive response to human trafficking.  Allowing victims to sue companies who knowingly enter into joint ventures with human traffickers is a basic right of victims of crime.  Denying them that right by providing absolute immunity to service providers because the business is online is not sustainable or within the norms of our system of justice.

Thousands of children are involved in child sexual exploitation.  Some research suggests that 70% of exploited children are sold online.[7]  Even if the Child Sexual Exploitation and Obscenity Section of the Department of Justice devoted all its resources to combating online exploitation, it could not possibly stop a criminal epidemic of this size.  That is why all aspects of the law: criminal, civil, state, and federal are necessary.

Read Part 2 and Part 3 here.

—-

[1] USAM 9-2.020.

[2] Trafficking in Persons Report, U.S. Department of State 1 (2017); Belinda Luscombe, Inside the Scarily Lucrative Business Model of Human Trafficking, Time (May 20, 2014); http://www.ilo.org/global/topics/forced-labour/statistics/lang–en/index.htm;

[3] MARK LATONERO, CTR. ON COMMC’N LEADERSHIP & POL’Y, HUMAN TRAFFICKING ONLINE: THE ROLE OF SOCIAL NETWORKING SITES AND ONLINE CLASSIFIEDS 8 (2011); Mary Graw Leary, Fighting Fire with Fire: Technology in Child Sex Trafficking, Duke Journal of Gender, Law, and Policy, Vol. 21, No. 2 (2014)

[4] Trafficking in Persons Report, U.S. Department of State, 416 (2017).

[5] U.S. Const. Amend. X.

[6] 18 U.S.C. 1591, 1595.

[7]Robbie Couch, 70% of Sex Trafficking Victims Are Sold Online: Study, Huffington Post (July 29, 2014) http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/07/25/sex-trafficking-in-the-us_n_5621481.html

August 1, 2017 by Christine Raino

Letter of Support for the Stop Enabling Sex Traffickers Act of 2017

Dear Senator Portman and Senator Blumenthal,

A couple of decades ago sex traffickers and buyers conducted their illegal transactions in dark alleys and back streets. Today these criminal transactions have moved online. Although the location has changed, the crime remains the same and so must our response to those who facilitate and enable it.

In recognition of the tragic nature of online facilitation of sex trafficking, we thank you—and the broad, bi-partisan group of co-sponsors committed to protecting those who are bartered and sold for sex online—for introducing the Stop Enabling Sex Traffickers Act of 2017. The undersigned organizations believe this legislation is necessary to close a legal loophole in the Communications Decency Act (CDA) that allows websites to escape liability for knowingly facilitating sex trafficking.

The CDA was enacted in 1996 to govern the nascent internet industry while promoting an open forum for commerce online. Section 230 of the CDA established immunity for “interactive computer service providers” (ICSPs) from civil and state criminal liability for third-party content in order to promote self-regulation by these online entities. However, over the past twenty years Section 230 has been broadly misinterpreted by federal courts as extending blanket immunity to websites that host ads where trafficked individuals are bought and sold.

Websites that profit from creating marketplaces for the sale and purchase of trafficking victims enjoy a lucrative business model—one with high profits and low risk. When states and victims have tried to hold these companies accountable in the courts, the CDA has blocked their efforts. In 2014, child sex trafficking victims asserted civil claims under the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) against Backpage.com—the most extensive online marketplace for sex trafficking victims and the platform where the young plaintiffs had been advertised for sex—but their claims were denied based on CDA immunity. At the same time, the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations was engaged in a two-year inquiry into Backpage’s business practices, culminating in a report on January 19, 2017 detailing how Backpage had knowingly facilitated child sex trafficking. Backpage has also avoided state criminal liability by attacking state laws in court and barring them from taking effect, also based on CDA immunity. Meanwhile, Backpage.com’s profits continued to rise from $71 million in 2012 to over $120 million in 2015. 1

This is wholly inconsistent with the purpose and protections intended when the CDA was enacted in 1996. As the Communications Decency Act began to make its way through the Senate, Senator Exon stated upon introduction of the bill on February 1, 1995 that the purpose of the bill was indeed to protect children:

Mr. President, the information superhighway should not become a red light district. This legislation will keep that from happening and extend the standards of decency which have protected telephone users to new telecommunications devices. Once passed, our children and families will be better protected from those who would electronically cruise the digital world to engage children in inappropriate communications and introductions. 2 

The Stop Enabling Sex Traffickers Act of 2017 clarifies that Section 230 was never meant to automatically shield websites that engage in the crime of human trafficking from a civil lawsuit or state criminal penalties. This bill targets the business model of companies like Backpage.com, by opening the door to civil liability and allowing states to enforce their trafficking laws when online entities choose to profit from the exploitation of sex trafficking victims.

Enacting this legislation is critical to restoring the promise of justice for victims and holding offending websites culpable for their crimes. As sex trafficking explodes on the internet, accountability for online entities that facilitate this exploitation is an essential tool in the international fight against sex trafficking. We, the undersigned organizations, support this critical legislation and urge Congress to restore the human rights protections of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act that have been eclipsed by this misinterpreted immunity for entities that value profits over the protection of vulnerable people.

Sincerely,

Shared Hope International

PROTECT

Rights4Girls

National Children’s Alliance

Exodus Cry

50 Eggs Films

Coalition Against Trafficking in Women (CATW)


  1. I AM JANE DOE (50 Eggs Films 2017).
  2. 141 Cong. Rec. S1953 (daily ed. Feb1,1995) (statement of Sen. Exon).

Downloadable PDF of Letter of Support

July 12, 2017 by Susanna Bean

Critical Human Trafficking Legislation Passes the House

(WASHINGTON, D.C.) Today the House of Representatives passed HR 2200 the Frederick Douglass Trafficking Victims Prevention and Protection Reauthorization Act of 2017 (TVPRA). This important legislation was sponsored by Representative Chris Smith—author of the original Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) of 2000 and the 2016 recipient of Shared Hope’s Lifetime Pathbreaker Award—along with lead co-sponsor Karen Bass. The bill also passed with strong bipartisan support from 27 co-sponsors, including Representatives Ted Poe, Anne Wagner and Susan Davis.

HR 2200 continues the protections established in the Landmark Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) of 2000, with a particular focus on preventing trafficking through educating children and other at-risk populations on how to avoid trafficking victimization, promoting trauma-informed services and access to housing for homeless and foster youth, and encouraging credible and effective use of the trafficking tier ranking system by the U.S. Department of State in the annual Trafficking in Persons Report.

As an endorser of this bill, Shared Hope International is pleased to see the authorization of $520 million dollars in funds being allocated to enhance the fight against human trafficking over the next four years.

“This vote in the House today is a strong sign the US is committed to addressing the crime of juvenile sex trafficking with substantial investment,” commented Linda Smith, President and Founder of Shared Hope.  “Shared Hope is committed to continuing advocacy at the federal and state level to ensure our laws reflect our societal commitment to prevent trafficking and to treat these children as survivors of a crime and ensuring their protection while punishing any actor involved in their exploitation.”

[easy-tweet tweet=”This is a strong sign the US is committed to addressing juvenile sex trafficking. – Linda Smith” user=”SharedHope”]

The House also passed HR 2480, the Empowering Law Enforcement to Fight Sex Trafficking Demand Act.  This critical legislation addresses the fuel that keeps trafficking markets alive: demand for commercial sex.  Under HR 2480, law enforcement could compete for federal funding specifically to develop and execute sex trafficking demand reduction programs.  These additional resources empower local law enforcement agencies to invest in demand reduction efforts to prevent and end the exploitation of  sex trafficking victims.

Both of these important bills now move to the Senate for consideration.  To follow the latest developments on the TVPRA and HR 2480, follow Shared Hope on Facebook and Twitter.

April 28, 2017 by Susanna Bean

Campaign Goal Surpassed!

Help us advocate in the 24 remaining states and finish strong!

On January 20th, the Center for Law and Policy launched “Stop the inJuSTice Campaign” to mobilize state legislatures to pass laws that holder buyers accountable and increase victim protections. We set an initial goal of supporting the passage of 6 bills in 6 months.

We are thrilled to report that in just 3 months, we have reached and surpassed our goal! Since the launch of Stop the inJuSTice, 11 states have enacted laws that further the policy objectives of this campaign.

  • Arizona, Arkansas, Idaho, Maryland and New York now have laws acknowledging child sex trafficking as a form of child abuse for purposes of permitting child welfare intervention and care.
  • Indiana now recognizes children engaged in commercial sex as victims, not criminals, and prohibits minors from facing criminal liability under the prostitution statute.
  • Oklahoma and Washington prohibit buyers of sex with children from raising a mistake of age defense.
  • South Dakota no longer requires the use of force, fraud, or coercion to traffic a child.
  • Utah requires child sex trafficking perpetrators, including buyers, to register as sex offenders.
  • West Virginia passed a comprehensive anti-trafficking bill which prohibits commercially sexually exploited minors from being prosecuted for prostitution offenses, acknowledges the occurrence of sex trafficking regardless of the number of victims involved, increases accountability for buyers of sex with children, and permits sex trafficking victims to seek restitution from their offenders.
  • Washington: permits child sex trafficking victims to vacate juvenile records obtained as a result of the trafficking victimization.

We celebrate these state’s monumental accomplishments on behalf of children. However, our work is not finished. Shared Hope’s Policy Team is actively supporting Campaign bills in 24 other states. With your help, we can ensure that children in these states receive the protections and justice that they deserve.

Please join us in advocating for the passage of the following bills which remove criminal liability for child sex trafficking victims:

  • Louisiana: Senate Bill 54
  • Maine: Legislative Draft 512
  • Massachusetts: House Bill 3499
  • Missouri: Senate Bill 341
  • Pennsylvania: House Bill 525
  • Rhode Island: House Bill 5857
  • Wisconsin: Assembly Bill 186

Your support makes this campaign possible. Together we are creating a safer, more just world for our children. Thank you!

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